Archive for January 24, 2011

Don’t Waste Time To Fix the Corporate Government

Why? I have found the best explanation of this by Michael-Donald from Assemblies Union Post and I couldn’t have said it any better myself! (Please note the bottom paragraph in white). Here it is:

Martial Law was declared by Lincoln April 24th, 1863 by General Order number 100. Under martial law authority Congress and the President implemented continuous martial law by ordering the states (people) to either conscribe troops or provide money in support of the federalist North or be recognized as enemies of the nation; this condition is still in effect.

The agenda of the North was to invert federalism. To do this they had to get the Southern States (anti-federalist and States rights advocates) to secede in order to fail to make a quorum and adjourn sine die (without a day, Ltn.); thereby, vacating the de jure Constitutional government. This left no civilian government in place and created the need for military enforcement in lieu.

The conscription act is the foundation of Presidential Executive Orders authority. It was enhanced in 1917 by the Trading with the Enemy Act (Public Law 65-91, 65th Congress, Session1, Chapters 105, 106, October 6, 1917), and further enhanced in 1933 with the Emergency War Powers Act, ratified almost every year by Congress. Together these acts address the people of the United States as the enemy, not the sovereigns of the United States of America. These “people” are 14th amendment citizens.

The District of Columbia Organic Act of 1871 created a “municipal corporation” to govern the District. If one considers the fact that the municipal government was actually incorporated in 1808, an “organic act” (original) using the phrase “municipal corporation” in 1871 can only refer to a private corporation owned by the municipality—U.S. Corp, if you will. It trademarked the name, “United States Government” referring to it, or themselves. This act placed Congress in control as a Board of Directors of the corporation whose purpose is to act as a governing body over the municipality. This facilitated directing business under martial law and permitted corporate abilities where the Constitution prohibited such activity. Congress could then pass any law to apply jurisdictionally within the ten square miles of the District of Columbia.

Next, this act called for the adoption (taking ownership of something that does not belong to the taker) of a constitution (U.S. Corp’s) curiously identical the Constitution of the United States of America less the original 13th amendment (titles of nobility); then renumbering the 14th, 15th and 16th as 13, 14, and 15 respectively. Now attorneys could run “government” since they were prohibited under the original 13th amendment, how convenient! Notice how under corporate rules policy is simply dictated, not ratified.

Debts through bonds were generated. These became due the banking cartel as holders in 1912, but could not be paid. The cartel accepted all the assets of U.S. Corp and the assets of the Treasury of the United States of America as payment.

In 1913 U.S. Corp had no operating capital for their “government.” It approached the cartel for money, but the cartel denied the request based upon its inability to pay. By design the cartel created a private corporation named, Federal Reserve Bank; which is not federal, has no reserves and is not a bank. U.S. Corp contracted to transact business via notes rather than real money.

Note: This bilateral contract is between two private corporations with no relationship to government.

Simultaneously, (1913) U.S. Corp. adopts (implements a corporate policy) its own 16th amendment. Of course, the States had not ratified the new 16th amendment; therefore, it does not apply to the men and women of the Republic or the organic Constitution. In fact, the supreme court ruled did not expand powers to tax, but simply clarified the right of U.S. Corp. to tax corporations and employees of U.S. Corp (Brushaber v. Union Pacific R.R. Co., 240 U.S. 1 (1916).

Next (1913) a new 17th amendment allowing senators to be elected by the people was “ratified.” From 1787 until 1913, the Constitution of the United States of America specified that state legislatures would elect U.S. senators. Article 1, Section 3, reads:

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.
In giving the elective power to the states, the framers of the Constitution hoped to protect state independence. The framers were suspicious of majority rule and sought to restrain what they regarded as the potentially destructive forces of democracy. Thus, while providing for direct election to the House of Representatives, they countered this expression of the people’s will by allowing legislatures to select members of the Senate. At the Constitutional Convention, the proposal for state election of senators aroused no controversy. Only one proposal for senatorial election by popular vote was offered, and it was soundly defeated. The states were receptive and did not protest when the Constitution was sent to them for ratification. Nor, over the next decades, did the system incur more than occasional criticism.

In 1914 The de jure seats of the Senators were left vacant as the De facto seats were occupied. Neither the State legislatures nor governors elected Senators as prescribed by the organic Constitution.

In 1916 Woodrow Wilson was reelected by an Electoral College that was not confirmed by a constitutionally set Senate. The only confirmation was a corporate one; therefore, Wilson was not confirmed into office as President of the United States of America, but instead was confirmed as U.S. Corp’s president.
At which point U.S. Corp served in lieu of the original jurisdiction as it was vacated by virtue of the fact that the people had no opportunity to elect any de jure governmental officers.
Note: Wilson retained the title Commander-in-Chief as it is not bound to the Presidency. As demonstrated by Adam’s appointment of Washington as Commander-in-Chief.

The Trading with the Enemies Act was passed in 1917 as WWI commences.

Around 1935 Americans engaged in a relationship with the Social Security Administration (SSA). The purpose is to generate funds for the General Trust Fund. The SSA creates an entity with a name that sounds like one’s own name, except it is written in the Roman/Military form of all Capital letters. It is associated with an account number (SS#). SSA gives everyone a card that does not belong to them. They are to hold it and endorse it, thus giving it consciousness and physical reality (v. fictional capacity). This acceptance makes one a fiduciary (trustee capacity) for the cards actual owner. Now the holder of the card is in a trust—oops!

The Bretton Woods Agreement in 1944 arranged for the International Monetary Fund (a foreign corporation) to quit claim U.S. Corp.

In 1962 The organic and State Constitutions forbid operating in business with foreign currency (federal reserve notes) so they became sub-corporations of U.S. Corp.; again identified as the STATE OF X in all capital letters. Immediately they began adopting U.S. Corp uniform codes and licensing to exercise control of the people—not permitted under the organic Constitution. Government only governed itself and corporations. People were self-governed; such is the nature of the Constitutional Republic.

BY 1971 every State in the union of States had formed private corporate STATES and constitutionally seated government officers were no longer elected on the state level as well.

Note: When speaking of these entities (fictions) understand they are private foreign corporations, not your government. It is not yours so do not waste time fixing “government”; simply repopulate the original jurisdiction Republic on which you stand. This is why we assemble; this is why we convened our delegates.
When the Republic is reseated demands may be made on these foreign corporations to pay back the money they stole. They will not be able to do so; which is the leverage they wish to avoid.
Our conduct must be as that of the sovereign that the Father created in His image. It is time to follow truth, repent and become moral and honorable men and women.
This is a spiritual battle that cannot be won with conventional methods or dropping out of the system and staying under the radar. Sovereigns must unite under the King of kings with truth to lawfully and peacefully repopulate the Republic.

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Our Patriotic Charge

Excerpts from Upshur on the Federal Government, 1868
Reprinted by St. Thomas Press, Houston
Compiled by michael-donald

It is truly and wisely remarked by the Federalist, that “a power over a man’s subsistence is a power over his will.” As little as possible of this power should be entrusted to the Federal Government, and even that little should be watched by a power authorized and competent to arrest its abuses.

That power can be found only in the States.

In this consists the great superiority of the federative system over every other. In that system, the Federal Government is responsible, not directly to the people en masse, but to the people in their character of distinct political corporations. However easy it may be to steal power from the people, governments do not so readily yield to one another.

Under a federative system, the people are not liable to be acted on…by those influences which are so apt to betray and enslave them, under a consolidated government.

The right of interposition belongs, not to the people in the aggregate, but to the people in separate and comparatively small subdivisions. And even in these subdivisions, they can act only through the forms of their own separate governments.

These are necessarily slow and deliberate, affording time for excitement to subside, and for passion to cool. Having to pass through their own governments, before they reach that of the United States, they are forbidden to act until they have had time for reflection, and for the exercise of a cool and temperate judgment. Besides, they are taught to look, not to one government only, for the protection and security of their rights, and not to feel that they owe obedience only to that. Conscious that they can find, in their own State governments, protection against the wrongs of the Federal Government, their feeling of dependence is less oppressive, and their judgments more free. And while their efforts to throw off oppression are not repressed by a feeling that there is no power to which they can appeal, these efforts are kept under due restraints, by a consciousness that they cannot be unwisely exerted, except to the injury of the people themselves. It is difficult to perceive how a Federal Government, established on correct principles, can ever be overthrown, except by external violence, so long as the federative principle is duly respected and maintained. All the requisite checks and balances will be found, in the right of the States to keep their common government within their common sphere; and a sufficient security for the due exercise of that right is afforded by the fact, that it is the interest of the States to exercise it discreetly.

Our character is not homogeneous, and our pursuits are wholly different. Rightly understood, these facts should tend to bind us the more closely together, by showing us our dependence upon each other; and it should teach us the necessity of watching, with the greater jealousy, every departure from the strict principles of our union.

It is a truth, however, no less melancholy than incontestable, that if this ever was the view of the people, it has ceased to be so. And it could not be otherwise.

So far as our own government is concerned, I venture to predict that it will become absolute and irresponsible, precisely in proportion as the rights of the States shall cease to be respected, and their authority to interpose for the correction of federal abuses shall be denied and overthrown.

(My note: he was unfortunately dead right!)

It should be the object of every patriot in the United States to encourage a high respect for the State governments. The people should be taught to regard them as their greatest interest, and as the first objects of their duty and affection. Maintained in their just rights and powers, they form the true balance-wheel, the only effectual check on federal encroachments.

As [the] Constitution was formed by sovereign States, they alone are authorized, whenever the question arises between them and their common government, to determine, in the last resort, what powers they intended to confer on it. This is an inseparable incident of sovereignty; a right which belongs to the States, simply because they have never surrendered it to any other power. But to render this right available for any good purpose, it is indispensably necessary to maintain the States in their proper position.

If their people suffer them to sink into the insignificance of mere municipal corporations, it will be in vain to invoke their protection against the gigantic power of the Federal Government.

This is the point to which the vigilance of the people should be chiefly directed. Their highest interest is at home; their palladium is their own State governments. They ought to know that they can look nowhere else with perfect assurance of safety and protection. Let them then maintain those governments, not only in their rights, but in their dignity and influence. Make it the interest of their people to serve them; an interest strong enough to resist all the temptations of federal office and patronage. Then alone will their voice be heard with respect at Washington; then alone will their interposition avail to protect their own people against the usurpations of the great central power.